Sunday, January 06, 2008

The Jobs Americans Won't Do (In An Election Year)

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on May 13, 2006]

On Monday night, the president will address the nation on the issue of illegal immigration. Up until now, I have been silent on the subject. Perhaps it is because I am an immigrant myself (though a legal one). Or perhaps it is because immigration, even when legal, is one of the most complex and baffling issues that societies face in a world where borders are losing their definition faster than you can say "go back to where you came from." But, alas, I can no longer hold my peace on the subject because every time I turn on the radio, the TV or the Internet on my computer I have to listen, watch, or read more irritating platitudes on the subject than I can stomach, most of which fail to address the complexity of the issue and almost completely miss the point.

There are four fairly mainstream positions on illegal immigration, and they can be summarized as follows:


  • Those at the extreme right of the political spectrum consider illegal immigration an issue of law and order. Their proposed solutions go from building fences along the border to arresting and deporting all eleven million illegal immigrants already in this country.
  • Pro-business conservatives like to say that illegal immigrants are here to do jobs that American citizens won't do. This is more or less the position expressed by President Bush, who advocates an amnesty program for illegal immigrants who already have jobs in the United States.
  • Pro-union liberals see illegal immigration as a scourge, responsible for the loss of American jobs and the decline of American wages over the years.
  • Bleeding heart liberals see illegal immigrants as refugees, victims of corporate exploitation and therefore advocate their unconditional inclusion in the ranks of Americans.

As always, there is some truth in each of these limited views. But a lot is lost in these high-level generalizations. For example, those who blame illegal immigrants for the loss of American jobs fail to recognize that American jobs are lost as a result of offshoring plants and facilities. If anything, illegal immigration can explain the stagnation of wages in jobs at the low end of the economic ladder. Employers who can easily find a five-dollar an hour replacement (or less) for each American worker demanding a wage increase will take the chance of hiring an illegal worker, since the chance of getting caught are almost zero, thanks to the complicity of a government that aids and abets illegal practices and refuses to address other related issues, like the minimum wage (or a fair working wage), universal healthcare, etc.

Bleeding-heart liberals, who are forever ready to embrace the plight of the downtrodden in principle, fail to see that there is a difference between legal and illegal immigrants. Their almost unconditional support for the masses of illegal immigrants is seen by many, and rightly so, as an implicit betrayal of American citizens who suffer economically as a result of the constant and undeterred influx of economic refuges from Mexico and Central American countries. These liberals are guilty of a failure to recognize, as free-market advocates also conveniently do, that by artificially altering the availability of cheap labor, the economic balance is also altered in response to the economic law of supply and demand.

In order to understand the position of pro-business conservatives, one need only look so far as the President of the United States. Mr. Bush, the compassionate conservative, is not loathe to displaying inordinate amounts of compassion: for the plight of corporations. He is a "haves" rather than a "haves-not" type of conservative. Everything he says must always be filtered through his habit of favoring big business over individuals (except for very rich ones.) So, every time he shows up on television saying that illegal immigrants are here to do the jobs that Americans won't do, you should interpret that as "the jobs that Americans won't do for less than a fair wage." And when he says that small businesses rely on the availability of these undocumented immigrants to stay in business, what he really means is "in order to maximize their profits, the not-so-small businesses that I am talking about need a constant influx of illegal workers who can be terrorized with the prospect of being deported if they don't do as we say." The president will also try to appease law-and-order Republicans by advocating the use of the National Guard to secure our borders. Nothing gives these law-and-order Republicans a bigger rush than the thought of military force being used, whether at home or abroad. Well, perhaps nothing other than the prospect of executing millions of illegal immigrants. But even President Bush won't go that far.

In reality, and perhaps luckily, illegal immigration cannot be solved simply with a stroke of the this president's pen. Rather, it is important to recognize illegal immigration in its organic relation to the business world. Illegal immigration is to the domestic enterprise as offshoring (often erroneously referred to as outsourcing) is to the global enterprise: a modern form of slavery. Both illegal immigration and offshoring are manifestations of the desire of companies to maximize profits for their stockholders. The new, borderless, profit-worshipping American corporation has long ago broken its old allegiance with the American workforce, in favor of a new paradigm of slashing labor costs as much as possible. This would not have been possible without the complicity of Congress and of successive presidents. The Reagan administration acquiesced to, and even facilitated, union-busting practices, which continue to this day under the current Bush administration. Even President Clinton, who has generally been regarded as a champion of the middle class, has the dubious distinction of having signed NAFTA into law, marking a grave defeat for the American worker. (NAFTA had been advertised as an instrument in closing the gap that existed between the American and the Mexican economies. Had it worked as intended, one would have expected to see a decline in he number of Mexican immigrants into the United States. Instead, this has not happened.) To believe that this Congress and this President have sincere designs of immigration reform on their mind is tantamount to believing that entrusting the henhouse to a group of foxes is a security enhancement for the hens.

Clearly, a simple solution to the problem of illegal immigration does not exist. Serious attempts to reduce the number of illegal immigrants must, for one thing, address the conditions of Mexican workers in their homeland. Raising salaries and reducing unemployment in Mexico and Central America are essential steps in stemming the tide of U.S. bound immigrants. This will be no easy feat, and it would take strong-willed politicians on both sides of the border, and decades to accomplish, if it can be accomplished at all. In the meantime, the United States must find a way to cope with the flood of immigrants who will continue to seek a better life on this side of the border. Even so, the worst thing we can do, is to continue to let people enter this country unchecked. Clandestine workers are at the mercy of unscrupulous employers, who can take advantage of them under the threat of deportation. They are bad for legal and American workers because they create a state of disadvantageous competition. And, finally, they are bad for American society on the whole, because they raise social costs (for example, healthcare costs.)

By now it should be apparent that real immigration reform must take several components into account: the security of our borders, the conditions of our workforce, and the ideals that we embrace as a society. Unfortunately, the issue of immigration is likely to be just another convenient and polarizing election-year topic, aimed--at least in part--at redirecting our attention away from the failure of this administration and this Congress to address the real concerns of the middle-class and the swelling ranks of the poor, and to distract us from the descent of the nation into a spiral of corporate tyranny.

An Open Letter To Christian Leaders

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on March 29, 2006]

I wrote the letter below in response to the invitation of a Christian scholar to comment on the Q&A session that followed the showing of a film called The God That Wasn't There. On my wife's request, I am withholding the name of the scholar, and the name of the theater to conceal the scholar's identity.

Dear [name withheld]:I attended the showing of the film The God That Wasn't There [...]. I did so not out of interest in the movie itself but because my wife, one of your former students at [...], always spoke highly of you and your classes. I thought this would be a good chance to hear what an esteemed Christian scholar might say on Christianity in modern times.

For the record, while I was raised a Catholic in Italy, I renounced religion in my teen years. While I can no longer call myself a religious person, I am not an atheist either. I have absorbed the Christian teachings and philosophy that I received in my earlier years, and I believe that the world would be a much better place if Christ's teachings were universally followed, particularly by those who call themselves Christians. Agnostic (about God) and Christian (as a philosophy) is what I might be.

I decided to respond to your request that people who attended the evening post their comments on your blog. I do so hoping that this will open the door to further discussion on these issues, as I believe that non-believers and believers alike have a responsibility to converge in a constructive manner on matters of social policy.

Some of your replies to the film audience’s questions were quite technical and beyond my ability to debate or comment on. One reply, however, caught my attention. While responding to a member of the audience who had asked you whether you consider a non-believer capable of leading a moral existence outside of a religious framework you asked her, in so many words, who decides what is moral, and couldn't therefore her moral framework be false? Besides, you went on, if anyone lived a perfectly moral life they would be Jesus, which of course is impossible. So yes, you concluded, those who turn their back on God and Jesus when their day comes will be eternally damned.

As a non-believer, I found your answer disturbing. Not the part about eternal damnation: I spend no time worrying about my chances of being eternally damned in a possible afterlife. On the other hand, I found it disturbing to be told that without God or Christ there can be no moral life. I try to live a morally good life, with the understanding that perfection is not of this world. I do the best I can to treat others as I would like to be treated: fairly, honestly and caringly. I try to make choices that are consistent with my beliefs and not to harm anyone in the process. I try to engage others in discourse aimed at fostering tolerance and mutual understanding. So when believers challenge my sense of morality, I ask: What makes religious people of all stripes so sure that their mutually exclusive beliefs are unquestionably right, and that everybody else is wrong? For every Christian scholar who thinks that Jesus is the only way to salvation you can find a Jewish Rabbi who is still waiting for the arrival of the Messiah who will lead his people to the Promised Land, and a Muslim who knows that Mohammad is the Prophet and that the Koran is the word of Allah. And even within the same broad definition of Christians you have Catholics, who believe in the infallibility of the Pope and the Virgin Mary, and Lutherans, who believe neither.

Another question I often ask myself these days is: If Christians are so unequivocally right about God and Jesus, how can they be so horribly wrong about their leader? What force made Christians pick George Bush not once, but twice in a row? If ignorance and deception can be claimed as excuses for the first election, certainly those who know the truth in their hearts so well would not be so misguided the second time around? This self-proclaimed Christian president has already overseen one unjust war (I could quote you many religious figures who said as much), torture, the pillaging of natural resources and the destruction of the environment (how can one be for Intelligent Design and do everything in his power to destroy God's creation?), tax cuts that favor the rich and harm the poor, "the least of them" (as Reverend Jim Wallis aptly lays out in his book, God's Politics.) And the list could go on, and on. All this while preachers, pastors, and scholars all over the land invited their flocks to go out and vote for the man God wanted as president.

All these unanswered questions inevitably lead to the greater and most urgent question that faces America today: Why, in a pluralistic society founded on the understanding that the government should lay no special treatment on one religion rather than all others to avoid persecution and discrimination, should we give one religious viewpoint preeminence over others? Why should we make room for the Ten Commandments in courtrooms, or for the belief in Intelligent Design in science classrooms, to mention just two current controversies? I do not view all Christians as "dangerous simpletons." I do, however, view people like Pat Robertson, Jerry Falwell, James Dobson, and their followers, and all those who would like to impose their religious beliefs on society as a whole, as dangerous influences on the future of the nation. Instead of rejoicing in the knowledge that Heaven awaits, they seem bent on making the world a living hell for those who do not share their unworldly view. Christians who do not distance themselves from such hateful preachers do a tremendous disservice to all sincere Christians. The credibility of the whole faith is at stake.

If America has enjoyed an unprecedented amount of freedom, both personal and collective, compared to other countries, it may be because its leaders have always understood that an impartial government, one with solid secular foundations, is key to guaranteeing freedom of expression and of creed for all of its citizens. When unscrupulous, self-serving politicians use religion as their personal realm and carry out daily attacks on the fabric of secular government to extend their power, people start to worry. This sets the conditions for films like The God That Wasn't There being made, with all its inaccuracies and yet an undeniable appeal.

Christianity, as I understand it, is a culture of acceptance and unity, not one of prevarication and division. Most people, even non-believers or people from other creeds, can recognize the importance and the value of fundamental Christian principles: love for each other, love for the poor, renouncing material values, accepting those who are diverse, helping one another, learning to recognize one's own faults before criticizing others for theirs. These are principles that could make the world better for us and for all to come. These are the principles that Rev. Wallis illuminates in the wonderful book I mentioned earlier. Their real-life application by prominent, self-anointed Christians, however, seems erratic and opportunistic. Oftentimes, Christians appear too concerned with the appearance and too lackadaisical about the substance of their religion.

In the final paragraph [of the account of the evening that you posted on your blog,] you lament the fact that you and fellow believers do not spend enough time engaging people who are hostile to Christianity or have no interest in it at all. The way to do that has little to do with refuting the inaccuracies in movies like The God That Wasn't There, and much more to do with making choices and expressing judgment consistent with the overall spirit, not the letter, of your faith. That's for everyone to see.

An Italian Lesson On Fascism

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on March 3, 2006]

In a speech given earlier this week to a joint session of Congress, a rare privilege for a foreign head of state, Mr. Berlusconi, the current prime minister of Italy, remembered how Italy overcame fascism thanks to the help of American troops who helped liberate Italy from its fascist domination. Growing up in Italy, I remember hearing stories of how strenuously the Italian partigiani (the Italian word for members of the homegrown anti-fascist resistance) finally defeated the fascist army with the help of the American allies. After the war the Italian Republic was born, on June 2, 1946. The Italian Constitution specifically prohibits the rebirth of the Fascist party. People were eager to put that dark, shameful chapter of our nation’s history behind them. This revulsion for fascism has its linguistic equivalents in Italian. For example, one of the most negative words in the Italian language is delatore. Delatore is the contemptuous term reserved for a "friend" of the fascist government who would voluntarily report to fascist authorities other individuals, often partigiani, accused of being undercover anti-fascist activists. Delatori received monetary and/or other rewards for their despicable acts. The word "snitch" is as a close as English gets to this Italian concept, but it lacks the intrinsic connotation of fratricide and the tie to fascism of the Italian concept. There is just no equivalent in American English to convey the contempt that Italians feel when they utter the word delatore.

I had not thought of this Italian word in a long time until a couple of days ago, when the story of Sean Allen made news. Sean Allen is the tenth-grade student of an Aurora, Colorado school who taped his geography teacher, Jay Bennish, who was guilty of comparing the tone of George Bush’s speeches to Adolf Hitler’s and of highlighting what he considers the oppressive policies of the American government around the world. Immediately, countless right-wing voices (orchestrated, perhaps, by the liberal media?) have risen in unison to extol the virtues of the student who exposed this example of the left-wing conspiracy that is threatening the innocence of children in American schools. In other words, the right-wing is celebrating Sean Allen as a courageous whistleblower.

Anticipating hours of cruel and unusual entertainment, I decided to tune in to the conservative ether in order to listen to dozens of incensed callers who flooded the airwaves with their own testimonies of rampant activism by teachers (who are quickly replacing activist judges at the top of conservative phobias.) Some of the callers expressed the view that it was inappropriate for a geography teacher to address a political topic in his class. Perhaps that argument will resonate with those who believe that geography should be limited to the study of the morphology and the topography of our planet, instead of dealing with--more broadly-- the study of the earth and the social and political systems that define different areas of the planet.
In any case, whether a geography class is an appropriate venue to discuss political matters is not the issue. If that had been the real problem for Sean Allen, he could have simply approached his teacher and asked him why he thought it was appropriate for him to be discussing politics in a geography class, instead of resorting to clandestine taping. But clandestine taping is precisely what a tenth-grader who is growing up in an increasingly intolerant atmosphere will do.

The fact that seemed to anger callers the most was how inappropriate it was for tenth-graders to be exposed to political views (callers were quick to add that this would be inappropriate regardless of the teacher's allegiance, lest they should be accused of partisanship.) This point deserves some scrutiny: It is inappropriate for tenth-graders, who can drive, be sentenced to death, and soon vote, to be exposed to subjects of a political nature, but it is not inappropriate for military recruiters to buzz around high schools in search of dwindling cannon fodder? How is it that a sixteen year-old can legitimately be bombarded with ads enticing him to "be all that he can be," or to join "the few, the proud", but it is out of bounds for a teacher to open a class debate on American foreign policy, which has an impact not only on other parts of the world's geography, but also on the lives of all the kids who are currently being targeted by the D.O.D's recruiting efforts in schools across the country? If schools are discouraged from offering all sides of an argument, what have they become? Recruiting ground? When, exactly, is the right time to start talking about foreign policy with a student?

This latest controversy is rather symptomatic of a general attitude which is taking hold in this nation. The independence of schools, of all levels, is under attack. Science teachers are being asked to give exposure to Intelligent Design, an avowedly unscientific theory, in science classrooms. Colleges are coming under increasing pressure to limit a professor's ability to openly tackle certain subjects by establishing artificial borders built around patriotism. Courts are dealing more and more frequently with first-amendment cases centered around education. The right wing noise-machine is taking unrelenting aim at the education system for its traditional importance in raising dissent. By stifling our educators' ability to raise uncomfortable topics, conservatives are seeking to silence dissent by depriving it of all forums. Take for example David Horowitz's book, The Professors, which examines 101 controversial college professors to engender the impression that colleges are teeming with anti-American attitudes.

Sean Allen may have been sincere in thinking that his teacher stepped over an unwritten boundary in the world of education. The issue is not the point of view that his teacher presented but a) how Sean chose to deal with it, b) the reaction that he sparked on the right-side of the political spectrum and c) what that says about our society. This incident is proof that we are teaching our children that different points of view should not be debated, but that they should be squashed and punished. And the fact that he is being hailed as a whistleblower by a segment of the population points to a dangerous trend.

It is rather bitter irony that all of this was taking place while Mr. Berlusconi was giving his speech to Congress, and thanking America for helping Italy overcome fascism, because what is happening to teachers in classrooms all over the nation is what happens in totalitarian regimes. And that is also why Sean Allen's no snitch. The appropriate word to describe him exists, for now, only in Italian.

Ending The Choice Between Two Evils

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on February 28, 2006]

The five years or so of the Bush presidency have been a tragic mix of Republican tyranny and Democratic spinelessness. Democrats will tell you that there was nothing they could have done differently under a Republican monopoly of all branches of our government. Still, their complete complacency with everything Republicans have chosen to dish out to this country is indefensible No evidence of government abuse or malfeasance, it seemed, would motivate the Democrats to rise to the occasion. No in-your-face appointment or nomination would prompt a Democratic rebellion. No corporate or political scandal would move the Democrats to go after Republicans as a united front. Perhaps these are unrealistic expectations from a party that has lately come to embody the concept of the innocent bystander.

Then, when you least expected signs of intelligent life from the party of the living-dead, the Dubai Ports World deal comes along, breathing life into the comatose, and manages to do something that nothing, not the war in Iraq, not prisoner torture, not warrantless detainment, not FISA-less wiretaps, not the ample of circumstantial evidence of election manipulation, not the Alito nomination, not the Valerie Plame outing scandal, not even Katrina's aftermath, has managed to do in recent memory: unite the Democrats against the administration. So, just how do Democrats take advantage of this golden opportunity? They accuse the president of turning port security over to an Arab nation! That's it! Bingo! National Security + Arabs = The end of the United States of America. That should grab people's attention. In essence, when Democrats finally found a unified voice, they used it to perpetrate a lie. Kind of like, you know, if you cannot beat them, join them.

That anyone would represent the DP World acquisition as a matter of national security is the consequence of the demise of analytical reporting in this country. Whereas analyses are the voice of reason, headlines are the scream of a frightened crowd. Fifteen-second sound bites convey the impression that “handing our ports over to an Arab nation is a matter of national security.” Any measure of analytical scrutiny would be sufficient to refute such an extreme statement, of course. There are many facets of port security that are infinitely more consequential to national security than who handles freight (which is precisely what Dubai Ports World would do here, and already successfully does in Germany, Australia, and China.) The sale of six out of over 360 commercial U.S. ports, even major ones, to a Dubai-based entity cannot be more compromising for our national security than the fact that Congress has yet to do anything about the fact that only approximately 5% of incoming freight is ever inspected. In fact, the handling of freight at numerous U.S. ports is being managed, as we speak, by foreign companies, some of which aren't exactly loyal allies of the United States. Why, the port of Los Angeles is managed by the Chinese.

You would think that, as many times as we have been reminded that we live in a post-9/11 world, one of the greatest priorities of our elected officials would have been to secure our nation by making sure that no one can put a deadly substance in a U.S.-bound container, not without us knowing about it before the ship that carries it has a chance to dock. Everyone, including Democrats, must surely understand that by the time a ship has reached a U.S. port, it does not matter who handles the cargo if it contains a nuclear weapon ready to blow. In fact, the security at ports of origin has much more to do with our national security than the security of our own ports, at least as long as free trade exists. So, the Democrats' uproar against the DP World deal sounded much like the President's accusation that if Congress did not vote to extend his version of the Patriot Act, the most regressive piece of legislation for civil liberties in the history of this country, its refusal would play right into the terrorists' hands: an inane appeal to the most foolish and misguided patriotic instincts. Sadly, the opposition party has decided to stoop to the level of a ruling party that has lied, cheated, and stolen at every opportunity, for a chance at making political hay.

Democratic candidates in the upcoming mid-term elections have about nine months to turn their image around. We can no longer afford this false choice between Bonnies and Clydes who will do anything to gain and to keep power, regardless of how low they must go. Democrats, I believe, are still the lesser of the two evils. Their fortune is that they are up against the most corrupt, power thirsty, and unprincipled group of Republicans ever to come to Congress in the history of the nation, so Democrats can glow—in the comparison. Mind you: glow, not shine. Nonetheless, a choice between two evils remains a losing proposition.

If they want to prove me and a rising tide of disgruntled electors wrong, Democrats should campaign for public financing of elections. They should do so convincingly, not like they are happy to take second place (like Kerry against Bush.) Only by taking money out of the political equation will this country be able to start tackling all the other serious problems that threaten its future: environmental mismanagement, dependence on energy imports, the coming collapse of the healthcare and pharmaceutical industry, corporate abuses, domestic poverty, education reform, the steady hemorrhage of manufacturing jobs, and so forth. But Democrats won't prove me wrong, because they know that their slice of the pie is bigger, even as losers, with only two parties at the table, and if the system that allows interest groups to buy political influence remains in place. So don’t expect anything dramatic in November, and later. The house always wins.

Under these circumstances the only viable alternative, it seems, is for groups of ordinary citizens in each state and locality to resort to the power of the ballot-initiative, in order to introduce mandatory public election financing. It is time we stopped using this most powerful of democratic tools, the ballot initiative, to rescue politicians from their dereliction of the duty to legislate as our elected representatives on matters too thorny and threatening for their reelection chances, like gay marriages, assisted-suicide, the legalization or marijuana, smoking-bans (what politician would want to alienate R.J Reynolds or Philip Morris?), or the construction of that new sports arena. It is time we started using ballot initiatives to light the fire where it belongs: under our so-called representatives, to remind them of whose interest they're supposed to be looking after. This is no short-term solution, mind you, but it will lay the foundation for a new political landscape. By equalizing the resources, candidates will stand out not for the power of the lobbies behind them, but for the power of their ideas. By dismantling the system that makes corporate influence over our elections possible, there will be a return to politics by people, for the people. Tell your congressmen it is time to take corporate money out of the game, or you will be glad to do it for them.

For information on public campaign reform, please see Public Campaign

Let The Sharing Begin

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on February 27, 2006]

A week or so ago I got caught in a debate with a couple of friends, and, once again, I found myself having to defend the need for economic social policies aimed at helping disadvantaged citizens rise from their condition. Their narrow understanding of social programs, what they are, what they accomplish, and whom they benefit, leads to typical objections every time the issue comes up: "Why should I have to help them? No one helped me, but I still made it. I deserve everything I've got," and "Why should I help lazy people take advantage of the system?" my friends argued. These common objections show a lack of awareness of the genuine difficulties that the underprivileged face everyday in Anytown, USA. They also show that this country’s growing conservatism is far from compassionate, contrary to what conservative leaders would have us believe. To counter these attitudes, we need to promote a culture of sharing.

Almost invariably, the people arguing against social programs are white, in good health, and good wage-earners. They live in three-storey suburban homes and are convinced that anyone with the right work-ethic, attitude, and moral fiber can achieve what they themselves achieved, regardless of where they started. Their self-righteousness fuels a genuine distaste for social activism. From their position of privilege, they are hard pressed to show any compassion for those who lag behind. In their eyes, the difference in economic status can always be traced to individual characteristics and temperament. Circumstances hardly ever play a role in the success, or lack thereof, that people experience. What could possibly justify this highly judgmental attitude among otherwise seemingly reasonable individuals? What is it that fuels their Calvinistic worldview, this view that people always reap what they sow, and that the quality of land they sow and lack of resources are never a factor? How is it possible that compassion and sharing, in a land supposedly so Christian, have such a hard time finding fertile ground?

To begin with, much can be explained with the nature of modern American society. America is a nation raised on self. Self-help, self-advancement, self-appraisals, self-censorship, self-education, self-service, self-confidence, self-made, you name it. For sure, it is increasingly self-righteous. Americans are unquestionably among the most individualistic people on earth. They have unlimited faith in their ability to rise to the occasion and to overcome adversity. The American people consider themselves capable of achieving anything they sets their mind to, but this ability is the result of the sum of individual qualities. Rather than the collective spirit that guides other highly organized cultures (think of Germany, China, Japan), it is the unwavering faith that America places in the ability of individuals to rise above their condition, its extreme social Darwinism, that gives America its perceived edge over the rest of the world. The American people believe that the right combination of free-market and individual appetites can push the nation over any hurdle. Right or wrong, most Americans are religiously convinced that progress is more easily-achieved by healthy competition among individuals than by their disciplined collaboration.

Combine these national beliefs with human nature. We are always told that children are not born to hate. Children must be taught to hate, the consensus goes, because hatred is not innate. That may be true, but it is also true of things that we consider positive, like sharing. Indeed, without adult guidance and adult teachings, most children are neither good nor bad. If anything, children are little individuals who believe that the world revolves around them. If it does not, they throw tantrums every time their whims and their desires are denied. The only things that are innate in every child, aside from the bond with its mother, are a desire for self-expression and the instinct for self-preservation. Everything else is the result of societal influence. What our society teaches children from an early age--in ways both subliminal and direct--is the concept of private property and ownership. In other words, before it introduces the idea of sharing, society teaches children to respect other people's property and to defend their own. "No Timmy, put that down. That's Billy's. This is yours. If you want to use Billy's, you must ask for his permission." "Billy, won't you share your toy with Timmy?" Sharing is not taught to children as a priority value, one that should trump all other considerations of worth and utility. If it were, children would be constantly reminded of sharing's worth, and they would be severely punished for their refusal to share. Instead, sharing is seen more as a perk than as the right thing to do. Essentially, by the time most children learn the true the value of sharing, which often occurs through catechism and religious teachings, their view of the world is irreparably skewed in favor of ownership.

We all know that early teachings are fundamental in shaping our view and our understanding of society. Advertisers have long known the power of establishing their place early in a child’s life, and have come up with campaigns specifically aimed at “branding kids,” to gain their enduring loyalty from an early age. The daily bombardment aimed at the youngest in our society only serves to reinforce their sense that owning things is the true meaning of life, and a most powerful human experience. It is probably in part for the emphasis we place on private property and ownership over sharing that views like those expressed by my friends regarding social programs are possible. Higher tax brackets on higher incomes seem unfair to so many people because money equates success, which is in turn driven by individual prowess. The value of sharing is not pre-eminent in our society, because sharing and merit are unrelated. In fact, when it comes to social policies, sharing is often seen not as a Christian duty but as the stepchild of socialist policy, with its perceived baggage of rewarding mediocrity, laziness and the lack of personal drive. The conviction, held by many, that economic mediocrity is the effect of an individual's limited ability or drive is particularly confounding, because no one would argue that someone born in Manhattan does not possess incalculable advantages over someone born in the sub-Saharan desert. However, the same advantages are not acknowledged if we replace the sub-Saharan people in our example with residents of an inner-city neighborhood or some housing project. The fact that different outcomes can often be traced back to different circumstances is discounted when both terms of comparison are based within in the United States. Why?

Even if we accept the argument that we should only help those who genuinely want to improve their situation, all others being undeserving, we should view the help given to those individuals who are naturally predisposed to take advantage of the system as possibly better than the alternative. The alternative being that someone who does not want to try to advance his plight in lawful, if parasitic ways, will still look for a way to get ahead by unlawful means. While any system is open to abuses, the cost/benefit analysis might show that society would still come out ahead even in the presence of some abuse, if the good done by helping those eager to improve their condition would outweigh the overall cost.

Speaking of costs: Those who believe that we should help no one at all, for fear of the possibility that a few bad apples would scam the system, must realize that costs are redistributed across society anyway. Sure, the redistribution gets done by private sector entities rather than by the government. For example, the money necessary to help the uninsured in a medical emergency can come either from the government, in the form of higher taxes, or from higher insurance premiums for all insured people. Likewise, money that is taken away from socially beneficial programs is not saved. Rather it is reinvested into a fatter and fatter law and order system: more police on patrol, more courts, judges and jails. Eventually, the choice is not about spending or saving money. It is on where you'd rather money be spent.

Ironically, many of the people who oppose sharing in the form of more progressive taxation rules and social programs are right-wing conservative evangelicals, who--for a chance to advance their socially regressive agenda--have formed a rather unholy alliance with the Republican party, which fosters the corporate interests that are a major contributing factor, with their exploitative salary and benefits policies, in the condition of the lower-class and low-income earners. Further bitter irony is provided by the fact that, in denying help to the neediest of our citizens, including many children, these religious zealots betray the principal legacy of the very Christian faith they supposedly pledge allegiance to. What could be less Christian than denying a helping hand to "the least of these?"

Which leads us back to sharing. An abundance of data shows that the gap between rich and poor has increased since the Seventies. While this is a global situation, the rate at which this divide is growing is higher in the United States than anywhere else in the world. Many blame this rising inequality for much of the geopolitical unrest that has grown in intensity in recent years. As our planet becomes more populated and many third-world economies join capitalism, competition for dwindling resources will become ruthless. Presumably, this will lead to even more domination and conflict, which will continue until a catastrophic event, either natural or man-made, will realign the balance of power and resources across the globe. The road to a safe future for all lies not in hoarding and protecting our property. Let the sharing begin.

Port Security: A Foreign Concern For This Administration?

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on February 22, 2006]


Much has been made of the recent sale of six major U.S. ports from P&O, a British company, to DP World, a port operator based in the United Arab Emirates. The Bush administration defends its approval of the sale by vouching that a thorough security review of the deal has taken place, and that Americans have nothing to fear from the acquisition. Still, opposition to the administration's approval of the transfer has been vocal and has united the two political parties like nothing else has in recent memory. Is this just an opportunistic maneuver by a group of senators eager to be perceived as patriots in an election year, or is there cause for real concern?

Perhaps a good starting point for an analysis of this issue might be Homeland Security Secretary Chertoff's statement to Tim Russert on last Sunday's "Meet The Press." To those who are troubled by the fact that financial support for the 9/11 terrorists has been traced back to the U.A.E. and who point out the fact that two of the hijackers where from that Arab nation, Mr. Chertoff responded that no one ever raised an objection to the British ownership of the same ports even though Richard Reed, the would-have-been shoe-bomber on a post 9/11 transatlantic flight to the U.S., was British. In other words, just because a country 's citizenship might include a few people who genuinely hate the United States and would like harm us, we cannot criminalize the whole country. If the same principle were applied to similar situations, what should we say about the Saudi or Chinese interests that control many vital sectors of the American economy? In spite of Mr. Chertoff's other blunders, painfully evident in his handling of the Katrina debacle, it is hard to find fault with Mr. Chertoff’s line of reasoning on this particular count. Why, the majority of port terminals at the Port of Los Angeles is controlled by foreign companies, some of which hail from countries that are not exactly staunch U.S. allies, such as China, and congress has not made a big deal of that little fact.

Defenders of the acquisition also point out that Dubai Ports World would only take over commercial operations at the six ports in question (New York, New Jersey, Baltimore, New Orleans, Miami and Philadelphia). Security would remain the responsibility of the U.S. government. Besides, worrying about who operates docks in this country is less important than knowing who operates docks in countries hostile to the United States (where dangerous weapons would be loaded.)

Keeping all this in mind, I would remind those who are genuinely worried about the security of our ports that the real cause for jitters is that less than 5% of the cargo coming into the United States is ever subjected to inspection. Admittedly, the U.S. Coast Guard and U.S. Customs are not adequately staffed and equipped to monitor the humongous volume of incoming traffic. That is the real scandal, and one that both the President and Congress have failed to address in a meaningful way since 9/11. In fact, the inadequacy of port security is such a well known weakness that it has been repeatedly used as an example by those who question the administration's commitment of keeping America secure, long before this latest issue arose.

For congressmen who are vocal about national security issues, there is no lack of areas where their energy and their attention is needed. In one worrisome example, the Nuclear Regulatory Commission has jurisdiction "to review applications for a license, [or for] transfer of a license [...] to determine whether the applicant [for nuclear reactors] is owned, controlled, or dominated by a foreign interest." However, as the staff of the NRC warned in 1999, there was no procedure in place for those cases in which ownership changed after a license has been granted. The remedy instituted by the NRC in 2000 relies on self-certification of changes in ownership rather, than in direct government control of nuclear reactors licensees.

Also, a Government Accountability Office investigation conducted in 1995 on the effectiveness of the Exon-Florio amendment to the Defense Production Act of 1950, an amendment specifically designed to prevent foreign takeovers that could jeopardize U.S. security, revealed that the nation's security interests may not be as well protected as they should be for a number of reasons. For example, notification of a transfer of ownership interest to the Committee for Foreign Investments in the United States (CFIUS), the entity responsible for oversight of the Exon/Florio provision, is voluntary, and not all companies comply with this voluntary requirement. Since there is no official record of how many foreign acquisitions are not reported to CFIUS, it is hard to determine the impact on national security of never-reported deals. However, the GAO identified unreported deals in such sectors as biotechnology, aviation, advanced materials and aerospace. Also, Exon-Florio does not define national security interests in detail, so it is up to the declarant to establish whether a deal jeopardizes national security. To the best of my knowledge, these aspects of the Exon-Florio amendment have not been corrected to date.

Rather than spending time scrutinizing a deal that is far from extraordinary in an increasingly global economy, our representatives in Washington might be inclined to examine the effect that other less advertised threats, such as our ballooning deficit, have not only on the lives of Americans, but also on national security. As this administration continues to dig us into a deeper economic hole, its eagerness to transform the government by offloading more of its traditional functions to private interests, many of which happen to be foreign, is the only thing more pernicious than the deficit itself. For a nation whose dependence on an influx of foreign capital and on imported energy sources has rapidly grown in recent years, the true issue with national security lies not in which foreign nations should be allowed to privately own pieces of U.S. infrastructure; rather, we should ask ourselves if private ownership of public infrastructure is always a good idea, and whether growing reliance on external financial support is wise in a world where divisions are festering and are threatening stability more and more.

Snake Oil: The State Of The Union

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on January 31, 2006]


As the nation prepares to hear the President's rendition of the State of the Union address, the Republican-dominated Congress is besieged by financing and ethics scandals, Exxon-Mobil just posted the largest earnings in U.S. corporate history and the Enron trial is about to begin, the last couple elections have been run like a third-world election (in fact, worse than many third-world election, according to former President Carter), the so-called moral debate centers around Brokeback Mountain instead of around the immorality of the 2006 budget, the war in Iraq still continues 32 months after the President declared "mission accomplished" from the deck of an air carrier hi-jacked for a photo-op. The list goes on. Yet, I’ll wager you that all of that combined won't keep the President from declaring that "The state of the Union is confident and strong."

Of course, one must take such probable declaration of confidence with a grain of salt, since the man making it is the same who, in last year's State of the Union address, vowed to solve Social Security’s impending crisis. Remember what he said? People expect the President to lead and to come up with solutions to problems, instead of dodging the issues and passing them on to the next President. Have you heard anything on Social Security lately? Didn’t think so. Now that the President has all but given up on his attempts to privatize Social Security (because, absent a real crisis, his purported solution would have just served as a push for privatization to appease some of his most generous donors), he will try again tonight to convince us of yet another impending crisis. Over forty million people, many of whom are children, go without healthcare insurance. Sixty million more have lapses in coverage each year. There's a real crisis.

Unfortunately, the President's solution for the healthcare crisis does not contemplate the government stepping into the picture to force HMOs and Big Pharma to cut the administrative and other arbitrary costs that make the U.S. healthcare system one of the most expensive, ill-managed, and piratical in the world. No sir. His solution is not to create a national healthcare system, fashioned after Canada’s or Sweden’s for example, that would help the neediest citizens take care of their health and that would help struggling companies cope with the rising costs of private insurance that have been blamed for the loss of competitiveness sustained by U.S. companies against their foreign counterparts. Nope. After all, U.S. healthcare is the best in the world, for those who are lucky enough to have coverage. The President could mandate that companies like Wal-Mart provide affordable healthcare to their employees, instead of teaching them how to collect Medicare from the government. Instead, he will propose larger tax credits for those who choose to invest a part of their pre-tax income into health spending accounts (HSAs). Ask a Wal-Mart worker how much of the average $14,000 income or so he or she intends to save into HSAs. The answer: zip-zilch-nada. Sorry, can't afford it. See you in the ER, America.

Wanna know about another crisis? In Oct 2001 the national average for a gallon of gas was $1.235 (http://tonto.eia.doe.gov/FTPROOT/features/falling_mogas.html). Four years later, the price of a gallon of gasoline averages $2.19 nationally (http://tonto.eia.doe.gov/oog/info/gdu/gasdiesel.asp). So what are the President's ideas for solving the energy crisis: Alternative fuels? Bio-diesel? Hybrid cars? Government-funded research to extend the availability of hydrogen-powered vehicles? Real incentives for solar and wind power? No sir. The President's solution is to secure more oil by planting our National Guard divisions in the Middle East, instead of keeping them home to deal with the aftermath of the most devastating hurricane season in history. Or opening ANWR (Arctic National Wildlife Refuge), in Alaska, up for drilling. So much for environmental stewardship which is a responsibility of each good Christian. A man's gotta do what a man's gotta do, to help the "ailing" oil industry.

What about the devastating effects of lobbying and ethics violations in Washington? President Bush will likely propose or rubberstamp some empty initiative, like asking Congress to outlaw gifts from lobbyists to congressmen. There is something the President will probably find rare bipartisan support for. Never mind the fact that there is already a cap on gifts of $50 per year that no one abides by. Don't bite the hand that feeds.

And what will the President say about the war in Iraq, for which he declared victory in May 2003? Will he announce that the troops will start returning, after being exposed to urban warfare, which they were never equipped to deal with in the first place, for almost three years after the victory speech? Will he vow to support veterans after they come back, spent and maimed, after their tour of duty has been extended to over twice the original length? Will he support them in deeds, as well as in words, or will he say one thing and underfund the VA administration budget again?

So there, that's the State of the Union in 2006.

By a strange and fortunate set of circumstances, for him, the President will get to deliver his message to the nation on the very day that the Senate confirms his controversial Supreme Court nominee, judge Sam Alito. The confirmation comes at the end of an extended hearing process which has been threatened by the possibility of a filibuster by Senate Democrats, many of whom have instead decided to lay down their arms at the last minute, fearing the possible reprisal of their states' electors in the 2006 midterm elections. You see, in many states the choice for progressive voters now comes down to right-wing Republicans and Republicans-lite, formerly known as Democrats.

So don't be fooled tonight, when the President says that the state of our union is confident and strong. For it is not. Just count the number of references to 9/11 and to the war on terror, the only two things that the President can continue to use to rally the nation around him. Then you will see through his words, and you will realize how flimsy the President’s representation of the State of the Union really is. In five years, the uniter has done little but divide, and the Union, the union we live in--not the one in the President's script, is worse for it, and it is on a steady and unstoppable fall. And if you think that things are about to get better with the upcoming Congressional elections, that the tide is about to turn, that the common man has just about had enough of the scandals, the lies, the manipulation, and the cronyism of this administration and this Congress, think again. Read Mark Crispin Miller's foreboding "Fooled Again" instead. As Miller so eloquently and dishearteningly shows in his book, it's not who think you voted for. It's who Diebold, ESS, and Sequoia say you voted for. The state of this union is not about to get any better, unless you stand up to your representatives and say, loud and clear, peacefully but unwaveringly: enough is enough. But don't you wait for Nov 7 to send your message, at the polls. Go to blackboxvoting.org, or votersunite.org, and look for something to do. Now. If you don't, your vote on the State of the Union might have already been cast.

May 2006 be the year you and I, all of us, rise up and fight, peacefully but resolutely, for what we stand for.

P.S. For those who are not as stubborn as I am in trying to fix the electoral affairs of the union, there is still plenty to do. Media reform, energy reform, and healthcare reform are just some of the things you can get involved in. For more info, see the links in the Activism section of the Links page.

Restoring Checks And Balances

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on January 17, 2006]


After the Myers nomination fiasco, and with the Alito Confirmation Hearings now over, one thing has become patently obvious: The process of appointing Supreme Court Justices, which assigns to the President the privilege of nominating the candidates to the highest court in the land, and culminates in a confirmation process that is increasingly partisan and void of any real consequences, does not seem to serve the citizens’ best interests. A presidency tainted by serious judgment flaws and driven by a divisive agenda may be just the driver that we need to reconsider the process and to look for possible alternatives to the mechanism of selection for Supreme Court Justices.

The importance of the Supreme Court cannot be overstated. The Court has the power to deem federal and state laws unconstitutional and its decisions cannot be appealed. Although the Supreme Court itself has no power of enforcement, its power to overturn laws has been recognized throughout U.S. history. A ruling of unconstitutionality is the death knoll for a law under review. Congress and the Office of the President have historically abided by the Supreme Court's rulings. Most decisions taken by the Supreme Court affect the lives of citizens (and non-citizens alike) in very direct, very real ways. Roe v. Wade, the Court's ruling on abortion, is perhaps the most famous. Fourth Amendment cases are regularly brought in front of the Supreme Court, and the rulings have had a very tangible impact on citizens' rights in such occasions as police searches, arrests. Cases involving the Fourteenth Amendment, with particular regard to the due process clause, often come before the Court. One recent well-known Fourteenth Amendment case concerns the government’s ability to hold presumed enemy combatants at GITMO, for an indefinite term and without legal rights. Cases involving free speech, corporate malfeasance, environmental protection, and so on, have all come before the Court. So, you see, the choice of Supreme Court Justices is something that should concern every individual who lives in the United States.

Compared to the other two branches of government, the Supreme Court has some peculiar characteristics:

  • Unlike members of the legislative and executive branches, Supreme Court Justices are not elected. Instead, all SCJs are appointed, by the President of the United States.
  • Membership to the court is a lifetime appointment. Unless a Judge decides to or is forced to retire, only death limits the length of the Justice's term. (Although impeachment is a possibility, no judge has ever been forcibly removed from the Supreme Court.) Lifetime tenure is meant to ensure the independence of the Supreme Court from undue influence, particularly to prevent that fear of losing the job (and the income) might affect the justices' decisions.
  • A consequence to lifetime tenure is the fact that there is no method to ensure any balance of representation on the Court, other than the balance which comes from the President and the Senate Majority belonging to different parties (at the time of a justice's confirmation).
  • Another consequence of lifetime tenure is that a President may get to appoint multiple SCJs, or none at all.
  • There are no explicit qualifications that a nominee must possess in order to be considered for a position on the Court (the prime example of this lack of standards has to be President Bush’s nomination of Harriet Myers.) Even so, most presidents choose candidates that come from the Judiciary, George W. Bush being the singular exception.
  • The Court’s deliberations are not open to the public.

Considering the importance and the peculiarities of the Supreme Court, it should be easy to understand why the nomination and confirmation processes should be fair, transparent, and driven by good judgment. Since in the opening paragraph, I referred to George W. Bush's presidency as "tainted by serious Judgment flaws," I would like to qualify that statement now, by providing some evidence of my position to dispel accusations of blind and callous partisanship.

President’s Bush lapses in judgment have been numerous and well-publicized, but for the sake of brevity they can be adequately exemplified by a couple of separate incidents that took place over the summer of 2005. First, President's Bush botched nomination of Harriet Myers, a nominee so lacking in qualifications that she failed, in the three months that followed, to convince enough Republican Senators to grant her a confirmation hearing. She finally asked the President, whom she considers the most intelligent man she ever met, to withdraw her from consideration in September. More or less at the same time, at the end of August, President Bush chose to complete his scheduled vacation at his Crawford, Texas, ranch and to honor his fundraising appointments while the fiercest hurricane in recent history was barreling down the Gulf Coast, wreaking havoc on the lives and towns of the residents of three Gulf States. The Katrina debacle is epitomized by the famous quote about Brownie, the "heck-of-a-job"-doing crony that the President, in another momentary lapse of reason, had appointed as the head of FEMA, perhaps so that the agency and the lives of millions of Gulf Coast Residents could be drilled into the ground. (Drilling things into the ground, and out of it, is the President's well-known passion, if not his knack.) Incidentally, Brown's confirmation sheds an unflattering light not only on the judgment of the President, but also on the competence of the Senate that supported his confirmation, the same Senate which is about to confirm Judge Alito to the Supreme Court.

Now back to the Supreme Court itself. Consider the following facts:

  • In my lifetime (I was born in 1965), there have been 8 Presidents of the United States: five Republicans, serving for a total of 26 years, and 3 Democrats, in office for 14 years.
  • Since 1965, 15 Supreme Court Justices have been appointed (assuming Judge Alito will be confirmed by the Senate); Of those, 11 have been appointed by Republican presidents (including all three Chief Justices), 3 by Nixon, 1 by Ford, 3 by Reagan, 2 by Bush father, and 2 more by Bush son).
  • Of the 15 Justices appointed over the last 41 years, 6 have been appointed by a President who was backed by his own party's Senate Majority, leaving enough room for appointments tied to strict ideological lines. The fact that some Justices have not conformed to a President's prior opinion of their ideological standing has so far saved the nation from disastrous consequences.
  • Over the same forty-year period, there have been three Supreme Court Chief Justices: Earl Warren, William Rehnquist, and John Roberts, all of whom have been appointed by Republican presidents (Nixon, Reagan, and G.W. Bush, respectively).
  • If Judge Alito is confirmed, 7 of the 9 current Justices will have been appointed by a Republican President (Ginsburg and Breyer have been appointed by President Clinton).

These statistics show that the composition of the Supreme Court has been slowly but surely moving to the right over the last twenty years. Considering that Judge Alito would replace Justice O'Connor, who has generally been regarded as a moderate, this move to the right would continue. If in 2008 a Republican is elected President and his party maintains the majority in the Senate, it is likely that the next Supreme Court Justice shall also be appointed by a Republican, if Justice Stevens were to retire.

In establishing three separate branches of power, the Framers of the Constitution manifested their intent to set up adequate checks and balances in our government. When the mood of the country moves so far in one direction, as has been the case over the last several years, as to deliver control of two of the three branches of government to one party, the role of the Supreme Court in maintaining a system of checks and balances becomes essential. An independent judiciary is essential to the preservation of the rights of all citizens in a democracy. But the Framers failed to recognize the danger of leaving the appointment of the highest judges in the land to politicians. If the judiciary is to be truly independent, it is hard to see how the selection of Supreme Court Justices by politicians guided by pragmatic, short-term considerations, could be desirable. In essence, leaving the appointment of Justices to the President is too much like leaving the fox in charge of the henhouse.

Given these premises, I would submit a few possible alternatives to the present system. These alternatives, taken singularly or in combination, are aimed at preventing the country from falling too deeply into the hands of one particular political faction and at preserving a healthy balance of opinions on the Supreme Court, to best protect the interest of the minority:

  • Shifting the responsibility of choosing Supreme Court justices from the President to those who would seem more naturally qualified to choose them: a panel of peers (other qualified judges from Federal and District Courts.) The natural objection to this solution is that there is no guarantee that judges would be less partisan than politicians in their choice. However, it seems reasonable to think that judges might be less inclined to make appointments of a mere political nature than the President, who could use the nominations as a means of appeasing or luring electors.
  • Replacing lifetime tenure with fixed tenure (let's say fifteen years). This would contribute to a greater variety of opinions and representation on the Court.
  • When the House, Senate and President are from the same party, as is presently the case, the right to nominate Supreme Court Justices should be left to the minority party. This would lead to more moderate candidate being chosen, since no one could ever be confirmed without a fairly broad, bipartisan consensus.

Of course, each of these solutions would require a constitutional amendment. But at a time when a Marriage Amendment is being suggested by a number of partisan politicians in pursuit of political advantage, amending the constitution to limit or repeal the President’s power to select Supreme Court Justices might be an excellent idea. Centuries of history have shown us that politicians often appeal to the most extreme and the basest instincts in their electorate, and that they are increasingly driven by political calculation rather than by the pursuit of the common good. The Supreme Court has a chance to be a bastion of reason and moderation against manipulation, opportunism, and extremism, if only we empower it. But time is running out.

On Abortion, And Why Judge Alito's Views On The Subject Are Not The Issue

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on January 11, 2006]

With the start of Judge Sam Alito's confirmation hearings to the position of Associate Supreme Court Justice, the never-extinguished embers left behind by the controversial 1973 Roe v. Wade decision (which legalized abortion in the United States) have been fanned once again. Many people of diverse political conviction, but liberals in particular, fear that Judge Alito's confirmation will bring about a reversal of that landmark case, and see a reason and an opportunity to bring him down. Until now, I have chosen to avoid the subject of abortion, because people have a tendency to lose their minds on this highly controversial subject, and reasoning often seems impossible. But now that liberals have walked, once again, right into the trap laid by Republicans, who love nothing more than when liberals make abortion rights their focal point and lose sight of everything else, I have to throw in my two cents on the subject.

I should open by saying that I am guided by socially progressive ideas and by liberal philosophy. I consider myself a progressive on most social issues. As proof, I offer the following examples:
  • I believe in universal, federally-funded healthcare.
  • I believe that federally-funded social programs aimed at lifting the poor out of their condition should be a moral and budgetary priority, because poor taxpayers should get something back from the system they pay into without having to be rescued by faith-based initiatives that, incidentally, they might not subscribe to.
  • I believe in a publicly-funded education system that gives everyone a shot at being admitted to the best institutions of higher-learning, based on merit rather than lineage.
  • I believe in a government-subsidized public transit system, both as a means of reducing traffic congestion and as an alternative to an unsustainable gas-based system of mobility.
  • I do not consider the death penalty to be a valid deterrent to crime, nor do I consider it an ethical form of punishment, particularly for a society which claims, when it is suitable to do so, to be based on Christian values. (Besides, the death penalty assumes human infallibility, a fallacy that has continuously been disproved through millennia of history.)

I could go on, and on, but you get the idea. Besides the fact that I am an unabashed progressive, you should also know that I am not a religious person, in the sense that I am not a follower of any one religion. No one could accuse me of being a religious zealot, a Christaliban. I was raised a Catholic but I rejected religion at the onset of my teen years, and I never went back. Over the years I have struggled to reconcile the catechism I was imparted in my early years with my terminal disillusionment of organized religion. I have yet to succeed, though I have to say that Christ's teachings of tolerance, acceptance, and love for our brothers seem a good recipe for a better life for everyone.

I hope you will forgive this long preamble. It was necessary to set the stage for this shocking and climactic revelation: I am, though not across the board, against abortion. I am aware that the question of whether life begins at conception or at birth is one that has yet to find universally accepted answers. However, regardless of whether the life form inside a mother's womb does constitute a person, an entity endowed with legal rights, modern medical science has given us sonograms, and what they show, even in the early stages of a pregnancy, is a human being developing inside a mother.

Surprise, surprise: a progressively-minded individual, against abortion! What a rare bird! Well, that would be me. I do not believe that abortion is a human right, let alone a right granted by the Constitution. The legalization of abortion is, to a large extent, the price that modern societies have chosen to pay for sexual revolution. Abortion is the pill's dark side. I support the right to each person's sexual freedom on rational grounds, but I believe that every type of freedom comes with great responsibility. In good conscience, I cannot accept the idea of abortion as another birth-control method. Seems a little late in the game to decide that, oops, I really did not want to be pregnant. Ideally, abortion should be reserved strictly to those cases where a mother's life is at risk, or when the pregnancy is the result of physical violence and abuse. In all other cases, no effort should be spared, within the law, to preserve the life of the unborn child. Abortion as an alternative to missing or failed contraceptive measures represents the failure of mankind to recognize that life has value beyond the appeasement of one's individual self. If fails to promote human progress. (Oh my, I sound just like the Pope! I predict a future of therapy for myself!)

The time has come for another, even more shocking revelation: while I stand steadfast by my conviction that abortion is ethically wrong, a nasty byproduct of the prevailing egocentricity of society, and a terminal and careless remedy to a succession of selfish acts, I still do not think that Roe v. Wade should be overturned. I hold this opinion for a series of practical (and also ethical) reasons. First of all, while I believe abortion to be an unethical act, I recognize that many do not share my view. Many of my best friends would disagree with me. The current moral climate is not conducive to a change in the law. Abortions would continue to be a (sad) fact of human life, because there will always be those who will seek an abortion, and those who will provide it, whether it is legal or not. That has always been the case with anything that the government seeks to outlaw, be it alcohol, drugs, medical procedures, etc. Abortion would be no different, particularly in a hedonistic society like ours. Secondly, reversing Roe v. Wade would not outlaw abortion. It would only allow individual states to introduce bans on abortion, with the result that economic factors would play a major role in a woman's ability to get an abortion. Kansas might want to introduce a ban on abortion, but it is highly unlikely that more progressive states would do so. Wealthier women would simply skip across state-lines to get their abortions, while poorer women would either be forced to carry unwanted pregnancies to term or to resort to unsafe abortion procedures that would endanger their lives in the process. Thirdly, letting states outlaw abortions would address only one side of the moral equation, i.e. protecting the life of the unborn child. It would do nothing to protect the life of the same child once he or she has come into the world. Without comprehensive social policies intended to defend life AFTER birth, bringing more children into the world, particularly those born against a parent's (or both parents') desires is not a particularly moral thing to do. Given the lack of political will to help children that have already been begotten, often by the very wing of the Republican party that most adamantly opposes Roe v. Wade, forcing the birth of unwanted beings seems "cruel and unusual" (to use words that do appear in the Amendments to the Constitution of the United States.) Finally, much as I strongly feel that abortion is an inhumane and unethical remedy under most circumstances, it would be impossible in the current societal climate to ban it, given that it is still widely regarded as belonging to the private moral sphere. Legislating morality is a line that I just do not want to cross, absent an incontrovertible rationale for the common good.

Now back to the issue of Judge Alito's confirmation. In spite of the widespread outcry, the view that the Constitution does not grant an inalienable right to abortion, which Judge Alito has expressed in 1985, is neither scandalous nor untenable. In fact, the ruling on Roe v. Wade rests largely on a very broad interpretation of the XIV Amendment, one that has been called into question by many constitutional experts and scholars of disparate convictions and political backgrounds, like Yale Law School Professor John Hart Ely or current Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg. Why the XIV Amendment's wording that "No State shall make or enforce any law which shall abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws" should be interpreted to support the right to abortion but not, for example, the right to own and use marijuana or to request to be euthanized is a legal mystery that I am not equipped to unravel. However, because the abortion issue has been so highly politicized and artfully polarized, many people fail to recognize that the U.S. Constitution no more grants women a right to abortion than it grants a right to the "pursuit of happiness." That right, often misquoted as being stated in the Constitution, is in fact a part of the Declaration of Independence.

When it comes to abortion, reason often flies out the window, on both sides of the political spectrum. In the real world, abortion is a very complex topic, and reasonable people have often irreconcilable views of abortion. Not all progressives are pro-choice, and not all conservatives are pro-life. Many supporters of the death penalty are anti-abortion, and many supporters of abortion are against the death penalty. There are too many individual components in each person's decision to support or oppose abortion. In Washington, however, abortion is used merely as a tool to divide and conquer. I know many otherwise reasonable people who been co-opted as "single-issue" voters because of abortion, and who are willing to vote against every other ethical fiber in their bodies in order to further their singular view on abortion.

Knowing what we already know about Judge Alito, it seems to me that liberals who are looking for reasons not to confirm him as an Associate Supreme Court Justice would do well to look beyond his views on abortion. Watching him defend some of his past statements during the confirmation hearings, I have formed the opinion that his propensity to side with his past employers, his refusal to answer some very simple questions (in particular the one on whether it was appropriate for the Supreme Court to take on the Bush v. Gore case in 2000), and the logic of some of his past rulings are worrying and somewhat frightening. They are particularly worrying considering that the person who picked him, President Bush, has a clear anti-democratic agenda and a history of rewarding loyalty over competence, obedience over independence of thought.

With his long history of rulings, consults, and legal advice, there should be no scarcity of evidence that Judge Alito may be a bad choice as Supreme Court Judge. His support of the right of an administration to eavesdrop on private communication without a warrant offers a good opportunity to call his judgment into question, particularly in these times. Why, Democrats might even find some unlikely allies across the great Republican divide, given how frayed the public's nerves are on this particular subject. Also, his defense of the strip-search of a ten-year old girl during a drug bust, even though she was not mentioned in the search warrant that was used by the police, is a point on which Judge Alito's judgment and his wisdom can be attacked on. But his position on Roe v. Wade is hard to argue against, since it is founded on a strict interpretation of the Constitution. Controversial, maybe. Unreasonable, it is not.

ID: Intelligent Design Or Imminent Disaster?

[Originally posted at TheDailyFuel.com on December 22, 2005]

The recent ruling of a Pennsylvania district court judge to ban the teaching of intelligent design from an entire school district seems to have dealt a severe blow to supporters of that theory. Since the president has been an outspoken advocate of the introduction of intelligent design into school curricula, it would be fair to conclude that he himself must be disappointed by this setback. Or is he?

In order to believe that president Bush is agonizing over the fate of intelligent design being granted or denied admission into school curricula, one must also assume that his religious beliefs, which he has not been shy to voice, are sincere. Indeed, many think that by supporting ID, president Bush is answering a call to action from elements of the extreme Christian right that, supposedly, helped to (re-?) elect him into the highest office of the land. I believe, however, that his real goal is not to energize his or his party's electoral base; rather, his goal is to spread the idea that science is not to be trusted, thereby opening the gates for a flood of counter scientific, environmentally destructive, criminally short-sighted policy decisions that may take several generations to redress.

With this in mind, the president's advocacy for the teaching of intelligent design has two probable goals:

  • The immediate goal of softening a large enough segment of the public so that regulations amenable to big business may pass more easily and that popular opposition to environmentally destructive projects will not find fertile ground.
  • The goal of preparing future generations of God-fearing science skeptics, who will lay down before the corporate juggernaut that will wield its influence to fatten its coffers and flatten opposition.

There are those who do not question the sincerity of the president's Christian beliefs. I submit to you that there is ample evidence that his beliefs are highly suspect. I am convinced that actions speak louder than words. Here is a partial and still growing list of a few of president's Bush's anti Christian actions:

  • During his tenure as Texas governor, the state executed over 150 inmates, including at least one mentally-retarded inmate.
  • He elected to go to war with Iraq relying on dubious and/or, quite probably, fabricated evidence, in spite of the likely cost that the war would carry in terms of civilian and military casualties. When a report recently asked him if he knew how many Iraqi civilians had died during the war, he nonchalantly answered that he estimated 30,000 lives to have been lost, as if that number meant not much.
  • In order to fund the war in Iraq, he has proposed legislation that would allow several federal programs to be under-funded, including Medicare, Medicaid, federal student loans, low-income housing, child support enforcement, preventive health services, childcare programs, and more. At the same time, the Pentagon's budget would see an increase of almost 5%, for FY 2006. These budgetary choices have led many religious activists to stage a protest in front of the Capitol, which led to the arrest of 115 people. Among them, Reverend Jim Wallis of the Sojourners religious movement, who called the House budget plan currently under discussion "the real Christmas scandal", in contrast with the futile protest initiated by some conservative Christian groups against the greeting "Happy holidays" instead of "Merry Christmas." (See More Than 100 Arrested in Capitol Protest)

The facts presented above cast a heavy doubt on the sincerity of the President's Christian beliefs. There is, on the other hand, very little doubt of his convenient disdain for science, particularly science of the environmental kind. At every opportunity, the president has expressed skepticism on scientific topics that encounter little or no disagreement in the scientific community, such as global warming (his spinmasters have instructed him to adopt the less jarring phrase as "global climate change,") when even the Pentagon has finally joined the chorus of those who fear the disastrous consequences and the devastation that global warming is likely to cause. His pro business, anti-scientific posture has been manifest from the moment he took office, and his environmental record is dismal by almost anyone's standards. He has been a poor steward of God's creation (he must assume it is God's, since he is an advocate of ID), as evidenced by the following actions:

  • One of his first acts as president was the rejection of the Kyoto agreement, which had been signed by all the other nations that took place in the conference. The United States stood alone in refusing to sign the agreement.
  • He repealed large sections of legislation passed by President Clinton that was meant to protect the land from deforestation, to please some of his donors in the lumber sector.
  • He relaxed pollution controls and introduced the "clear sky initiative" (of all things,) allowing some of the nation's and the world's worst polluters (many of which are his oil buddies in Houston) to effectively regulate themselves and to sell pollution credits to companies out of compliance. This means, in essence, that pollution levels are allowed to remain at current levels, while allowing his friend to pocket the proceeds from the sale of pollution credits.
  • He repeatedly cut funding to, among others, the Environmental Protection Agency and the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. When Christine Todd Whitman resigned as head of the EPA in 2003, "the number of officially designated smoggy days in the US was up by 32% and the completion of cleanup of Superfund toxic sites was down by 50%." (See Christine Todd-Whitman)

The list could go on, and chances are it unfortunately will, during the last three years of Bush's second term. At this rate, nothing short of a climactic catastrophe or popular uprising seems likely to cause the militant direction set by this administration to be inverted. The religious and moral discourse in this country must shift from prudery and pseudo- or non issues, such as the fight against gay marriages, the display of the Ten Commandments in courtrooms, and the introduction of intelligent design into science class, to truly moral issues, like good environmental stewardship, the sustainable use of our natural and agricultural resources.

Responsible religious leaders must become vocal opponents of these politically motivated ploys, and they must seek (and find) the support of everybody--the media first of all--in their effort to expose the immorality of too many of the administration's policies, like Rev. Jim Wallis has done for many years. If they do not, Bush's push for intelligent design might very well lead us all to imminent disaster.

The Executioner's Job

[Originally published at TheDailyFuel.com on Dec 19, 2005]

As the year comes to an end, in less than two weeks, media outlets will flood us with clips and stills of the most memorable moments of 2005. Among the images of the war in Iraq with its daily dose of IED attacks on soldiers and civilians alike, gas station marquees showing prices of $2.50 and up, health officials in hazmat suits in poultry farms, and the devastation brought about by a record hurricane season aided by political incompetence and/or cronyism, one image, rather one clip, stands in my mind heads and shoulders above the rest in its ability to capture the State of the Union and the essence of 2005: President Bush, in a hangar protected from the devastation of Hurricane Katrina, uttering this ominous reminder of his chronic and criminal incompetence as Chief of the Executive of the United States: Brownie, you're doing a heck of a job!"

The images that were streaming last Thursday night on my TV set, a series of consecutive documentaries devoted to Hurricane Katrina, served as unmistakable proof of the President's incompetence, and of his unpreparedness to lead the relief effort to the city and the people of New Orleans, parched, weakened, and dying as they were for days on end following the passage of one of the most devastating hurricanes in recorded history. For days, the abandoned citizenry of New Orleans lived on or under bridges, in improvised and/or unauthorized shelters, lacking all kind of essentials: little or no drinking water, little food, no toiletries, no water, no electricity, and lack of access to medical care as most hospitals and staff were striving to keep their heads almost literally above water. When some of New Orleans least fortunate sons and daughters, plunged into despair by their government's dereliction of duty, resorted to looting abandoned stores for toothpaste, soap, and deodorant for themselves, and diapers and formula for their infants, even showing their loot to understanding police officers, they were bundled by the President and the media with those who were stealing electronics. The President, conspicuously absent in the first 48 hours of the aftermath of Katrina's devastation, finally appeared with his trademark smirk, to declare that he would restore order to the city. He would do so not by making sure that the Louisiana National Guard, much of which was serving in Iraq, would bring aid to the people of New Orleans; rather, his focus was on bringing in the military to help stop the looting.

After the conditions at the Superdome, the designated shelter of last resort, had deteriorated from simply unsanitary to unfit for men or beast, people started flocking to the Convention Center. Some twenty-four hours after news organizations had started showing footage of people amassing at the Convention Center, Brownie", busy as he was doing a heck of a job, publicly declared his ignorance that the Convention Center had become an improvised shelter for thousand of displaced residents, for the benefit of incredulous reporters and viewers alike. Naturally, even with the Presidents resounding vote of confidence only a few hours old, Brownie" had to be recalled from Louisiana to Washington, where he was given a weekend to prepare his resignation from his position at FEMA and to start polishing his fantastic résumé, in order to return him to the safer confines of organizations such as the International Arabian Horse Association, which helped him build the impressive set of qualifications that earned him his directorship at FEMA.

Just a few days ago, the New York Times published a scathing warning on the imminent death of the city of New Orleans, the same city that the President vowed to rebuild higher and better in a famously choreographed speech from a deserted and eerily illuminated Jackson Square, back in September. In that same speech, the President said "there is no way to imagine America without New Orleans. One need not imagine America without New Orleans, because reality has already trumped imagination: As of today, there is no New Orleans, at least not as it used to be, and certainly not higher and better as the President vouched it would be. Worse yet, according to the NY Times, there seems to be no political will to help New Orleans and its citizens get back on their feet. Too expensive, we are told (though we have an apparently endless supply of money to finance tax cuts to the wealthiest Americans, to wage wars in foreign lands and to fund the ensuing nation-building efforts.) And so it is that one of the great cities of our nation is on the verge of virtual extinction.

As the images of devastation and criminal dereliction kept running on my TV set, the words Brownie, you're doing a heck of a job!" kept echoing in my mind. How could anyone make such a patently ridiculous statement, in spite of all evidence to the contrary? Even coming from a president as disconnected from reality as this one, this was too ridiculous. Then it hit me: In the five years of Bush's reign, his administration has displayed a historically low regard for the function of government in society. We have seen an unprecedented determination to replace government, particularly at its most efficient, with private sector entities (even in the military), and with the work of faith-based organizations. In a Machiavellian example of circular logic, most federal agencies have seen their resources slashed, making it harder for them to function, thereby making it easier to prove that government is usually incapable of providing results and facilitating the diversion of public funds to private entities, with those closest to the president and its allies standing to make the biggest gains. Under George Bush II, presidential appointments have too often cast inept characters in position of the highest responsibility, with a clear predilection for docile loyalty over proven competence. Knowing this, we can reevaluate what happened to New Orleans and conclude that it was not by accident. Perhaps we should assume that when the President told Brownie that he was doing heck of a job, he really meant it.
A heck of a job: the job of executioner.

The Real War On Christmas

[Originally published at TheDailyFuel.com on Dec 14, 2005]

As Christmas approaches once again, the Republican noise-machine is incessantly reminding us that the war on Christmas is raging. For once, I find myself in total agreement with the Bill O'Reillys of the world. The war on Christmas is ablaze. Before shock overcomes you and you go meet your maker, let me explain.

When I think "war on Christmas" I am not referring to the daily accusations leveled against liberals by the likes of O'Reilly and his cohorts, who allege that liberals, along with some unlikely allies such as Wal-Mart, Target, etc., have declared war on Christmas. An example of this ongoing war, according to 'Oh, Reilly' is the fact that the United States Post Office no longer offers stamps with a spiritual theme (an allegation that is, as it turns out, flat false; I myself have a book of "Madonna with Child" stamps in my wallet). Another example, also false, is a Plano, Texas, school's refusal to let students wear red and green, colors traditionally associated with Christmas (this falsehood has been documented by Media Matters for America). John Gibson of Fox News Channel even wrote a book called "How the Liberal Plot to Ban the Sacred Christian Holiday is Worse Than You Thought," for Christ's sake.

No, when I think of the war on Christmas I am thinking of yesterday's execution of Stanley "Tookie" Williams. I can't help thinking that Jesus would have found that to be out of sync with his teaching, regardless of whether the man was guilty or innocent, as he claimed to the very end. Jesus would be wondering why he let himself die, an innocent man, on the cross while people continue to waste their time arguing about the permissibility of red and green in schools around Christmas time. He would wonder what is it that possesses men to think that he was advocating the death penalty when he said "Let him who is without sin cast the first stone," in order to save an adulteress from death by stoning. He might ask us why we concern ourselves so literally with the laws of men, like Pharisees, instead of focusing on God's love.
Jesus was, ostensibly, of a different ilk than the pharisees that inhabit Congress. He might have reminded them to "go, sell what you have, and give to the poor, and you will have treasure in heaven; and come, follow me... [for] it is hard for a man with much money to go into the kingdom of heaven," instead of devising cleverer ways of redistributing wealth toward to the top of our society. What could be clearer than Matthew, 19:24: "It is easier for a camel to go through a needle's eye, than for a rich man to enter into the Kingdom of God."
Jesus might be wondering what went so wrong, that almost 2000 years after he gave his life on the cross men are still waging wars in his name, promoting the idea that foreign leaders should be removed by assassination, and generally ignoring his words: "Blessed are the peacemakers" (Matthew, 5:9), keeping in mind that you should offer the other cheek to him who has smitten you.

And on the issue of whether homosexuals have the right to engage in marriage, which the "moral" right wants to ban by constitutional amendment, convinced as they are that homosexuality is an abhorrent sin, Jesus might have quoted Luke 7:37-50. Particularly, these verses: "her sins, which are many, are forgiven, for she loved much," and "Your faith has saved you. Go in peace."

With Christmas ten days away, we are allowing the Republican noise-machine to steer our attention away from the teachings of Christ, so that THEIR war on Christmas and the daily pillaging and plundering of our and other people's lives and societies can continue unhampered. We are being programmed to believe, through the repetition of consistent talking points, that the real tragedy this Christmas lies in the stance of an alliance of unholy stores and liberals who refuse to wish their fellow men and women a "Merry Christmas," even as the hypocrites in the White House and at Fox News print "Happy Holidays" and "Season's Greetings" on their cards and party invitations.

Jesus on the cross said "Father, forgive them, for they know not what they do." Back then, perhaps, people did not know. 2000 and some years of Christianity later, that should no longer be a valid argument.

May Christ bless you all with His love, this holiday season.

Thursday, June 23, 2005

The Sex Education of Christian Conservatives

On Tuesday night, PBS stations all over the country aired a documentary about the approach to sex education in the public school system of the town of Lubbock, Texas (“The Education of Shelby Knox). It was very interesting, because it directly addressed the issue of moral values, as narrowly defined by extreme conservatives during the last presidential election.

The Lubbock public school system has a policy of promoting abstinence as the sole approved form of sex-ed. (Interestingly, the documentary does not make any comments on the effectiveness of abstinence-only sex education programs, perhaps to refrain from taking sides on such a controversial topic.) The documentary recounts the battle that pitched a group of local teenagers, determined to change the way sex education is handled in Lubbock schools, against the school board and local church groups, who staunchly and vocally opposed any changes to the current system. In their capacity as members of the Lubbock Youth Commission, the teenagers tried—unsuccessfully—to have the scope of sexual education expanded to cover issues such as the proper use of birth-control (in response to high rates of teen pregnancy), the use of protection against STDs, also on the rise among students in Lubbock, and gay and lesbian sex.

After viewing the documentary, a few things immediately came to mind. First of all, the main issue here should not be how sex education might properly be addressed, but rather who should be in charge of it. Is it fair to put the burden of sex education on the shoulders of the school system, or should we expect other parties to play a primary role? I prefer to take the position that the perception that sex education should be legitimately be taught in schools is proof of the failure of parents to be active in the upbringing of their children. This does not mean that talk of sexual matters should be banned from schools altogether, or that the subject should be taboo in the education system. Rather, it simply means that parents and family should be the primary agents of guidance and direction on the subject, one so delicate in every community and for every belief system. Schools, and even more so public health agencies, should be involved as secondary providers of voluntary or additional counseling for those kids who do not find the necessary support structure in their family.

Another disquieting point comes in the form of a comment made by Pastor Ed Ainsworth towards the end of the documentary. The Pastor states that kids who are pushing for an expanded presentation of sex education should seek instruction at private schools. This is an appalling statement to make because, last I checked, the separation of church and state would seem to require that public schools, even those that operate in a predominantly Christian constituency, refrain from imparting education which assumes the predominance of the Christian faith over other faiths, or no faith at all. In fact, it has been a long-standing custom in all civilized countries, where the separation of church and state is defined by clear boundaries, that public schools are to offer education acceptable to all, whereas private religious schools are free to present and to exercise their alternative beliefs on education. But in the current political climate, the tables have been turned, and it is now the proponents of secular standards that are required to adjust to a vocal and tyrannical minority who wishes to impose its narrowly-defined moral values over the rest of society.

In conclusion, does the topic of sex education deserve a place in public school systems? Alas, possibly, due to the failure of parents to perform as moral instructors for their children. However, if we must accept sex education as a necessity in our school systems, we should understand that it should be structured to cover the breadth and the diversity of opinions that exist on the subject, even if this results in the disgruntled protest of a numerous minority of religious extremists.

Saturday, January 01, 2005

Comic(al) Relief

Last Sunday, 11 countries in the Indian Ocean have been hit by a tsunami unleashed by the fourth strongest recorded earthquake in history. At last count, 114,000 people have been reported dead, and the count is still rising. Not surprisingly, a major relief effort is under way. Since President Bush has demonstrable problems with the English language, forgive him for mistaking the meaning of the world relief. He must have thought something like: “Isn’t it a relief that this happened somewhere else?” as he continued his vacation in his Crawford, Texas, ranch.

Certainly, he cannot have interpreted the word relief as the Merriam-Webster does, i.e. “removal or lightening of something oppressive, painful, or distressing”. If he had, his initial offer for aid would have been higher than $35 million [1] (initially, and even more unbelievably, Colin Powell set it at $15 million.) To give you an idea of how little that is, divide $35 million by the number of U.S. citizens: 280 million. The result is that President Bush has offered 12¢ per American citizen. Sure, money goes farther in certain economies than in others, but if Mr. Bush’s idea of relief were not tragic, it would almost be comical.

Contrast this figure with the amount of money that Mr. Bush has enthusiastically secured for the war in Iraq (and ancillary costs, like pork for Halliburton), $147 billion (yes, billion, with a b!) to date. That is $525 per U.S. citizen. The United States is spending 4375 times as much on waging war (and the ensuing reconstruction) as it has initially pledged to help people struck by the one of the worst natural disasters in recorded history. Is it any wonder that so many around the world are disgruntled with American leaders and their policies, or that Jan Egeland, the UN Emergency Relief Coordinator, called western countries (with understated emphasis on the U.S.) stingy?

To give you an idea of exactly how stingy our governments are, bear with me while I illustrate this next point. My donation to the relief effort amounts to roughly .0017 of my yearly income (you might call it my GDP). By comparison, in pledging $35m, the United States has pledged 3 millionths of a percentage point of its GDP ($11 trillion!). There it is: I am 560 times more generous than our government. And yet, after donating this measly percentage of my yearly salary, I will still be able to eat, to buy gas, pay for my insurance bill and my mortage, go see a few movies... you get it: I will still be able to function—as if nothing. If President Bush wished to be as generous as I was (and again, I have not been heroically generous, quite the contrary…), the United States government should have pledged $19.6 billion dollars [2].
When Americans say that they live in the greatest nation on earth, if not in the greatest nation in history (and, oh, do they say it!), they may be right in terms of muscle, but not in terms of heart. Consider this: Sweden (pop. 9 million) has pledged $75 million; Denmark (pop. 5.3m): $18m; the United Kingdom (pop. 58m): $29m; Japan (pop. 127m) $30m; Australia (pop. 20m): $27m; Canada (pop. 33m): $33 million; France (pop. 60m): $20 million. These are just a few examples. Not all the countries I listed have exceeded expectations of generosity, but none has been as tight-fisted as the U.S.A. Obviously, in the long run, the United States will end up donating more money than anyone else, in absolute terms. But in proportion to its GDP, or to its per-capita income, Mr. Bush is wrong in saying that “the person who made that statement was very misguided and ill-informed.” Mr. Egeland was right in calling the United States stingy: It is, and not one bit ashamed of it.

[1] As I later learned from CNN during my lunch break, by listening to one of their idiot-puppet “journalists", by the time President Bush raised his initial offer to $35m American corporations had already "stepped to the plate", by donating as much as $70 million in cash and goods/services. Here's a few contributors:
Pfizer: $35 million (Note that Pfizer's dontation equals, in value, the amount pledged by the United States government)
Wal-mart: $2 million? (Wal-Mart reported revenues of $256 billion for 2004, almost for times as much as the GDP of Sri-Lanka for the same year, or one-third of the GDP of Indonesia.)
The Bill and Melinda Gates Foundation: $3 million of their own money. (Microsoft had revenues of more than to $34b in 2004, with profits of almost $9b)
Citigroup: $3 million (profits for 2004 of approx. $18b, on revenues of ca. $94b)
Exxon-Mobil: $5 million (earnings of $21b on revenues of $223b for 2004)

[2] If you think that's a lot of money, consider this:
On October 23 of this year, less than two weeks from Election day, President Bush signed "the most sweeping overhaul of corporate tax law since 1986, [benefiting] a wide array of groups from farmers, fishermen and bow and arrow hunters to some of America's largest corporations,” to the tune of $136 billion. (Beneficiaries include the “beleaguered” tobacco industry, banks, and timber interests.)
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